The involved setting from inside the Syriac is the pael inactive participle, whose form is mCaCCaC

The involved setting from inside the Syriac is the pael inactive participle, whose form is mCaCCaC

(12) In a few NENA languages brand new preterite away from Category II verbs has actually a vocalism (m)CoCiC- otherwise (m)CuCiC- with no precursor in the previous languages. Noldeke (1868, 213) ideal your modern setting are regarding the brand new Hebrew pual. Examples: Aradhin mbusille ‘he cooked’ (Krotkoff 1982, 136), Tkhuma mso:re:li ‘I began’, Jilu +poltele ‘he grabbed it out’ (Fox 1992, 54). Models having o or you try missing exterior NENA and possess in lot of of the NENA languages: Hertevin, Sanandaj Religious, and you will Halabja: Halabja bqirraxun ‘you (pl.) asked’, Hertevin bqerre ‘he asked’ (Jastrow 1988, 206).

(13) All round present is noted by an excellent prefix in all NENA except Hertevin plus in Mandaic plus in Turoyo. The new prefix takes one of three forms: (a) k- on the every verbs (advanced so you’re able to c- into the Urmi, offered to help you ko- before consonants into the Turoyo, and also in Zakho are g- in advance of a voiced phoneme); (b) k- however, just on a limited family of verbs (which includes voicing assimilation and sometimes other transform as well); otherwise (c) i- on the every verbs.

Examples: (a) Zakho k-xaze ‘he sees’, g-emir ‘he says’ (Meehan and Alon 1979, 182), Urmi csader ‘he sends’ (Hetzron 1969, 115), Turoyo kohoze ‘he sees’, Tisqopa ksaqIl ‘he takes’ (Rubba, personal interaction); (b) Halabja k-ImrIx-wa ‘we perform say’, but doqIx-wa-ce ‘we do observe it’, Azerbaijan k-xil ‘he eats, usually eat’, however, sate ‘he beverages, often, can get drink’ (Garbell 1965, 66, 67); (c) Aradhin i-zare:la ‘he tills it’ (Krotkoff 1982, 70), Jilu we-napli baro ‘they chase her’ (Fox 1992, 55).

The newest k- prefix appears to be a success of prefix qa- out of BT, as in brand new common qatane ‘he teaches’. elizabeth ‘stands’. In a number of east dialects the brand new shipments off k- happens to be restricted to a little group of verbs (Garbell 1965, 65). In other people, this has gone away and you will come changed from the a separate prefix we-, and this probably got its start since a diminished particular we[Theta] ‘there is’.

Examples: Halabja geznawa ta knista ‘I visits the fresh new synagogue’, Aradhin tla t-sapri ‘to wait’, Jilu zIlli l-yawa zuze tla da kIcca ‘I went to offer currency in order to good girl’, Tisqopa [Theta]e:li ta di-mbaslan ‘I (fem

(14) The newest verb ‘give’ is actually yehav into the BT, and you will yav inside Syriac. This has been remade in every NENA dialects from incorporation of after the sweet pea ücretsiz uygulama l- ‘to’. The fresh crucial, which was hav into the Syriac and you can BT, are hal (Noldeke 1868, 256) in all NENA where I’ve advice, not from inside the Turoyo otherwise Mandaic.

(15) In most NENA, the newest only one imperative from qyama ‘get up’ has shed the final m: Aradhin qu (Krotkoff 1982, 145), Sanandaj Religious qu (Panoussi, 110). The newest plural, but not, retains the new meters.

(16) In most NENA, brand new vital of (i)zala ‘go’ is abnormal: Aradhin au moment ou (Krotkoff 1982, 147), Sanandaj Christian say (Panoussi 119), Jilu se, Jewish Azerbaijani au moment ou (Garbell 1965, 285).

(17) Across NENA, several different conditions are utilized once the ft to own reflexive pronouns like ‘myself’. He’s: ruh- when you look at the Hertevin and also in Turoyo, nos- in the three easternmost Jewish languages, and you may gyan- from the kept languages: Hertevin ruhan ‘ourselves’ (Jastrow 1988, 197), Zakho qtala gyane ‘beating himself’ (Meehan and you will Alon 1982, 181), Halabja nosan ‘ourselves’.

That it qa- was in itself a good contraction away from qa?

(18) A separate preposition meaning ‘to’ otherwise ‘for’ which takes the design ta, tla, or tla try widespread, regardless of if perhaps not common, in the NENA, but not found in Mandaic or Turoyo. ) concerned cook’ (Rubba, private correspondence), Zakho cuxa la psIxle darga story ‘no one to unsealed the door to him’ (Meehan and Alon 1979, 182).

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